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Getting weapons to Syrian rebels not that hard - USA TODAY Posted: 14 Jun 2013 08:11 AM PDT NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen welcomes a "clear" US statement accusing the Syrian regime of using chemical weapons, and said Damascus must let the UN investigate the allegations. Powered by NewsLook.com Now that President Obama has decided to provide military assistance to Syrian rebels the next step is easy, says a military analyst who's been studying the Syria conflict. U.S. intelligence has vetted the rebel forces to determine who should get the arms and it has a willing middleman in Turkey, on Syria's northern border, said Christopher Harmer, an analyst with the Institute for the Study or War. A NATO member. Turkey has air bases and ports that U.S. forces have used in the past to move equipment and people to conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan, he says. Turkey's Incirlak Air Base, which is technically a NATO air base, is one likely hub for U.S. supplied weapons intended for the rebels, Harmer says. "The US moves cargo through there all the time," Harmer said. Establishing a supply route to the rebels "is not that hard." According to USA TODAY reporting in Turkey, the United States has already been sending communications equipment to rebels of the Free Syrian Army through Turkey. Rebels have said they have picked up shipments in Istanbul and driven them across the border into Syria along secure routes. Turkey has sea ports for larger shipments. But most of the weapons rebel leaders have requested are light weapons, chief among them shoulder-fired missiles. The missiles are wanted to shoot down Syrian aircraft or disable Syrian tanks. If the USA agrees to provide such weapons they can be delivered to Turkey by air, Harmer said. Arms could then travel by truck or rail to the Turkish border with Syria, and that's where U.S. control over the weapons will likely end, Harmer said. The effort depends on Turkish cooperation. Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan has already allowed weapons from saufi Arabia and Qatar to transit through his country and supports the toppling of Syrian President Bashar Assad's regime. The Syrian rebels control at least 20 miles of Syrian territory south of the Turkish border, "so there's no really no mechanical way for the Syrian government to stop them," Harmer said. However, there is a risk that Syria will directly attack Turkey over the shipments. Syria has already fired missiles into Turkey territory along the border to target weapons shipments and rebel fighters who seek protection on the Turkey side of the border. Turkey has been hosting around one million Syrian refugees, and rebels have camps there as well. The U.S. presence in Syria itself will likely be very small, limited to CIA or special forces operators, and focused on identifying rebel groups they can trust, Harmer said. "We don't want to provide weapons to al-Qaeda affiliates" who are known to also be fighting the government in Syria, he said. When the conflict started, the identity and motivations was not well understood. Harmer said two years have changed that situation completely. The Institute for the Study of War and other independent groups have completed extensive studies on the various rebel groups. "We know from open sources, YouTube videos and interviews who are secular freedom lovers and who are the extremist religious types," Harmer said. |
Iran elections: the world hopes for change, but is likely to be disappointed - The Guardian Posted: 14 Jun 2013 09:01 AM PDT Ian Black, Middle East editor Predicting the outcome of Iranian presidential elections is notoriously difficult – Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was virtually unknown when he won his first term in 2005. But aside from the near certainty of surprises the only other constant is that the outside world will be hoping to see different policies from whoever replaces the unlamented incumbent. Satisfaction is far from guaranteed. Surging support for the cleric Hassan Rouhani over the past few days has been a salutary reminder of the volatility of these races. Under Iran's hybrid political system presidential candidates are vetted on the authority of the theocratic "supreme leader" but chosen by popular vote. The country's reformists are still battered and bruised – their two candidates in 2009 remain under house arrest – but supporters of the "Green" movement who believe they were robbed last time are still there and anxious to see better times. Appearances count for a lot. The Iranian establishment has worked hard to forestall the sort of mass protests that followed the disputed election four years ago – not least because since then the world has witnessed the Arab uprisings (Tehran has relished portraying them as an "Islamic awakening") as well as the unrest in neighbouring Turkey. Restrictions on the internet and domestic and foreign media are part of this preventive strategy. Turnout, always seen as important to underline the democratic legitimacy of the Islamic Republic in the face of its enemies at home and abroad, will matter too – though very large numbers are likely to favour the more moderate candidates. Whoever becomes president, however, will face a familiar set of pressing domestic and international issues. The biggest one is the economy, battered by tightening sanctions imposed by the US to apply pressure over stalled nuclear negotiations. Iran's economy faces severe and long-standing structural problems that have been aggravated by the sanctions – even if it remains a taboo to link the two explicitly. Exchanges between the leading candidates on this point have been coded but unmistakable. It is clear, however, that the big issue is that of Iran's isolation in the wider world – the point on which the clownish and provocative Ahmadinejad aroused most anger. It was striking that Ali Akbar Salehi, the foreign minister, declared as he cast his vote that he hoped for improved relations with the US – a handy reminder that, revolutionary ideology aside, many Iranians still admire America. Making precisely the opposite point, the Supreme Leader himself – who at 74 seems unlikely to temper his hostility to the country which engineered the overthrow of Mossadegh and backed the shah – lashed out at Washington. "To hell with you if you do not believe in our election!" said Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. It was a blunt response to comments by US officials that they do not have "high expectations" that the election will change "the fundamental calculus of Iran". That certainly seems true of Saeed Jalili, the hardliner and current nuclear negotiator who is seen as Khamenei's personal choice. But would a different winner, Rouhani or Mohammed Bagher Qalibaf, the technocratic mayor of Tehran, display more flexibility to win support among young Iranians (a third of the 50-million-strong electorate are under the age of 30) though that could risk the opposition of the powerful Revolutionary Guards, the loyal keepers of Khomeini's flame? Maybe. But on the international issues it still seems unlikely. "Whoever wins will be very limited in their ability to influence foreign and nuclear policy," warns Ali Ansari of St Andrews University. Expectations in the west, then, are sensibly low. But if there is to be change for the better in Iran after this election it could perhaps come in a new and better-functioning relationship between Khamenei and the president after the ructions of the Ahmadinejad years – his departure at least bringing audible sighs of relief from his many enemies. Sign up for the Guardian TodayOur editors' picks for the day's top news and commentary delivered to your inbox each morning. Sign up for the daily emailGet the Guardian's daily US emailOur editors' picks for the day's top news and commentary delivered to your inbox each morning. Enter your email address to subscribe. Get the Guardian's daily Australia emailOur editors' picks for the day's top news and commentary delivered to your inbox every weekday. Sign up for the daily email |
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